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RINGKASAN BERITA PEMUDA - Rabu 13 Februari 2002

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Jemputan debat isu rasuah kepada Pemuda UMNO masih tidak terjawab

KUALA Lumpur: Jemputan Timbalan Ketua Pemuda keADILan, YB Saudara Saifuddin Nasution Ismail kepada Pemuda UMNO untuk duduk semeja berbincang mengenai gejala rasuah masih belum dijawab sehingga kini.

Jemputan itu dipanjangkan kepada Ketua Pergerakan Pemuda UMNO, Datuk Hishamuddin Tun Hussein, pemimpin-pemimpin Pergerakan itu serta bekas ketuanya Datuk Zahid Hamidi.

Ia berikutan pendedahan yang dibuat oleh YB Saudara Saifuddin bahawa Pergerakan Pemuda UMNO sendiri merancang untuk mendedahkan penyelewengan dan amalan rasuah di kalangan Menteri UMNO dalam perhimpunan parti itu dalam tahun 1997.

Sudah seminggu berlalu sejak jemputan itu diumumkan, namun sehingga kini pemimpin Pemuda UMNO masih menikus dan membisu mengenai perkara ini.

Setiap kali ia dibawa oleh wartawan, Datuk Zahid dan Datuk Hishamuddin tidak menjawab pertanyaan mereka, sepatutnya mengalihkan perhatian kepada perkara lain.

Sumber pemuda-keadilan.org memberitahu pemimpin Pemuda keADILan sedar perkara ini akan meletakkan pemimpin Pemuda UMNO dalam keadaan serba salah kerana mereka tidak akan berani tampil berdebat.

"Mereka tahu kita ada bukti dan tembelang UMNO akan diketahui rakyat, tetapi kalau mereka terus berdiam kredibiliti mereka juga terjejas kerana digelar pengecut," kata beliau.

Sejak kebelakangan ini, gerakkerja Pemuda keADILan yang terus mengasak Pemuda UMNO menunjukkan kelemahan kepimpinan sayap kanan parti perkauman itu.

Ulas seorang petugas keADILan, Puteri UMNO jauh tampak lagi tegas dan berkesan jika dibandingkan dengan Pemuda UMNO.

" Nampaknya Pemuda UMNO terpaksa terus bersembunyi di belakang Puteri UMNO seperti di Indera Kayangan," usik beliau lagi.

Kempen propaganda kerajaan yang bercelaru bukti 'double standard'

KUALA Lumpur: Jurucakap Sekretariat Pemuda di sini membidas kempen propaganda kerajaan yang berterusan di saluran TV yang dibayar dengan duit rakyat.

Lebih teruk lagi, kata beliau, kempen itu bercelaru dan jelas menunjukkan sikap 'double standard' kerajaan yang cuba menipu rakyat.

Beliau merujuk kepada dua program yang jelas membuktikan kerajaan Barisan Nasional tidak mempunyai pendirian, tetapi hanya berhasrat memanipulasi rakyat untuk terus berkuasa.

Program yang dimaksudkan adalah klip 90 saat yang ditayangkan baru-baru ini untuk memburuk-burukkan imej Barisan Alternatif, dan program Worldview yang ditayangkan di RTM 2 yang mengagung-agungkan Revolusi Islam Iran.

Kedua-dua program itu, kata jurucakap Sekretariat Pemuda keADILan lagi, jelas mempunyai motif yang bertentangan di antara satu sama lain.

"Klip 90 saat cuba menakut-nakutkan pengundi bukan Islam dengan menggambarkan Barisan Alternatif seolah-olah Taleban, sementara program Worldview itu pula seolah-olah cuba menyokong dakwaan Perdana Menteri bahawa negara Malaysia adalah negara Islam kerana ia menyokong Revolusi Islam," kata beliau.

Beliau menyeru rakyat agar memboikot penyalahgunaan wang rakyat untuk kempen propaganda parti-parti Barisan Nasional itu dengan menghantar bantahan sama ada melalui surat, e-mel ataupun menyatakan bantahan di laman Kementerian Penerangan.

Beliau juga berharap agar pengundi bukan Melayu tidak termakan dengan kempen propaganda Barisan Nasional itu.

Tuduhan penyokong PAS menyerang polis: "Kemukakan bukti dahulu" - YB Ustaz Nasharudin Mat Isa

KUALA Lumpur: Setiausaha Agung PAS YB Ustaz Nasharuddin Mat Isa menyeru agar pihak berkuasa mengemukakan bukti terlebih dahulu sebelum melemparkan tuduhan liar memburuk-burukkan penyokong PAS.

Beliau berkata demikian ketika mengulas dakwaan-dakwaan yang dibuat oleh pihak polis dan Timbalan Perdana Menteri menuduh orang ramai yang menghadiri satu ceramah di Kuala Ketil baru-baru ini merancang terlebih dahulu menyerang pihak polis.

Dalam kejadian itu, lebih 30 orang ramai ditahan termasuk dua wanita. Dua orang daripada mereka masih ditahan reman sehingga kini.

Pihak polis turut mendakwa kononnya orang ramai yang hadir dalam satu ceramah yang diadakan di dalam kawasan Markas PAS itu turut membakar sebuah trak polis.

Dakwaan ini ditolak dan dipersoalkan oleh penduduk tempatan, memandangkan trak itu berada di bawah kawalan polis. Lebih dari itu, ia berada di belakang barisan polis yang bertindak memukul orang ramai dan menembak gas pemedih mata.

"Bagaimana kita boleh bakar trak mereka kalau kita sendiri dikepung dengan pasukan polis dan gas pemedih mata?" tanya seorang penduduk yang ditemui.

Sementara itu, YB Ustaz Nasharuddin dilaporkan berkata bahawa selagi tiada bukti dikemukakan, dakwaan itu hanyalah tuduhan liar semata-mata.

Ceramah Anugerah Nobel Anwar Ibrahim akan mula dianjurkan

SEREMBAN: pemuda-keadilan.org dimaklumkan Pemuda keADILan Negeri Sembilan akan mula menganjurkan ceramah khas mengenai pencalonan Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim bagi Anugerah Keamanan Nobel selepas musim percutian perayaan Tahun Baru Cina.

Menurut sumber Pergerakan Pemuda keADILan Negeri Sembilan, selain ceramah untuk menerangkan serba-sedikit makna dan penghormatan kepada rakyat Malaysia berikutan pencalonan tersebut, slot itu akan turut digunakan untuk menayangkan beberapa klip mengenai Dato' Seri Anwar kepada orang ramai.

Beliau berkata, perancangan sudahpun dibuat untuk menganjurkan ceramah-ceramah seperti itu.

Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim dipercayai rakyat Malaysia yang pertama menerima pencalonan bagi anugerah berprestij dunia itu. Ia dipercayai untuk menghargai perjuangan beliau mewujudkan sebuah masyarakat madani (civil society) di Malaysia berpaksikan asas keadilan dan nilai demokrasi sejagat.

Sementara itu, jurucakap Sekretariat Pemuda Pusat menjelaskan bahawa kempen sokongan pencalonan DSAI bagi anugerah itu berjalan lancar. Kempen di laman web Pemuda itu turut mendapat sokongan dari rakyat bukan Malaysia, kata beliau lagi.

Beliau juga menyeru ahli keADILan dan pendokong BA agar mencetak lebih banyak poster dan risalah mengenai pencalonan DSAI itu untuk diedarkan ke seluruh negara.

"Rakyat perlu terus diingatkan akan perjuangan Dato' Seri Anwar dan maknanya kepada seluruh rakyat," kata beliau.

Lee Kuan Yew and Race - Part I

by Michael D. Barr

Deptartment of History, University of Queensland Journal of Contemporary Asia v29, n2 (1999)

*The author wishes to thank Dr Martin Stuart-Fox. Professor Robert Cribb and Far James Minchin for their advice and assistance.

"Three women were brought to the Singapore General Hospital, each in the same condition and needing a blood transfusion. The first, a Southeast Asian was given the transfusion but died a few hours later. The second, a South Asian was also given a transfusion but died a few days later. The third, an East Asian, was given a transfusion and survived. That is the X factor in development."

Lee Kuan Yew at the University of Singapore 27 December 1967, as reported by Chandra Musaffar in his letter to the author. 14 August, 1996.

Racism is rarely far from the surface of Asian societies, and this is especially true of those multiracial societies that feel the need to promote racial tolerance as part of official ideology. Yet even in these cases, promoting racial tolerance does not necessarily imply the promotion of racial indifference. Singapore's multiracialism, for instance, encourages a high consciousness of one's race even as it insists on tolerance. Further, it has been considered by many as a covert form of discrimination in favour of the majority Chinese and against the minorities, especially the Malays. This article is an attempt to advance our understanding of Singapore's idiosyncratic version of multiracialism by casting new light on the thinking of its primary architect, Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew.

Despite official denials there can be little doubt that there is an unofficial pro-Chinese bias in Singapore, and that in spite of the structures of "meritocracy" and sometimes because of them, the Malay minority in particular has suffered structural discrimination. Even a cursory survey of recent history confirms this impression. For two decades after separation from Malaysia in 1965, for instance, the Singapore government had an unofficial policy of excluding Malays from the Singapore Armed Forces and the police force because of concerns about their loyalty. Not only did this practice deny Malays a traditional source of employment, but it made other employers reluctant to hire them because they were, technically, still eligible to be called up.

At the same time, the government exaggerated, possibly unintentionally, the structural impediments to Malays' educational advancement. At the time of separation from Malaysia, Malay students in Singapore had already been disadvantaged inadvertently because they were streamed through Malay-language schools which were staffed by under-qualified teachers, and which used substandard Malay-language text books.

These schools had very high attrition and failure rates from the beginning, but after separation even the successful students faced unique linguistic and academic hurdles in their pursuit of higher education. After separation, not only did the Malays find that their language had little economic value, but they discovered that their schools had not prepared them for tertiary education in the new Singapore. The first problem was that unlike Chinese-educated Chinese attending Nanyang University, and English-speaking Chinese, Indians and Eurasians attending the University of Singapore, the Malays had no tertiary institutions in which they did not face a language barrier. In fact Malay students' command of English was so poor that they alone were required to take an oral examination as part of their entry requirements to university. Furthe r, as part of the push for national and economic survival in newly-independent Singapore, university scholarships were restricted to those students pursuing technical and science disciplines, and the inadequately staffed and poorly resourced Malay-stream schools had left their students singularly ill-equipped to qualify or compete for these scholarships.

The Malay's problem was compounded by their continuing socio-economic marginalisation, and by the near-universal perception that their underachievement reflected their racial and cultural defects: that they had grown up in the "soft," lethargic Malay Culture which did not encourage studiousness, enterprise or hard work. Between their educational and employment disadvantages, and the psychological impact of being told that their problems were the result of their ethnic culture, it is not surprising that Malays are still at an economic disadvantage today.

Perhaps the most revealing aspect of the saga of Singapore's Malays, however, is not the actual discrimination, but the fact that Singapore's multiracial meritocracy has provided the rationale for its justification, and that this rationale has been effective to the point that even Malay teachers have come to accept this "cultural deficit" explanation of Malay underachievement. The perception of the cultural deficiency of the Malays is, to some extent, a continuation of the prejudices fostered by the British colonial authorities who regarded the Malays as slow and lazy because they preferred their agrarian kampong lifestyle to working in tin mines for money.

This interpretation, however, ignores the role of former Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew in moulding the ideological and social perceptions of Singaporeans. Although no nation's history can ever be reduced to the story of one man, Lee Kuan Yew had such a paramount role in making modem Singapore that an understanding of that society cannot be complete without an attempt at understanding Lee himself. The remainder of this article is devoted to contributing to our understanding of Lee's views on race.

.. part II tomorrow






        
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